AS the countdown to the next presidential election gradually draws near, KUNLE ODEREMI raises some pertinent issues in view of current realities in Nigeria.
IN some quarters, the president of Nigeria is described as the most powerful in the world. He is believed to have awesome powers than the leaders of countries like the United States, Germany and the United Kingdom. Such views are not based on military might and arsenal or technological feat.
The issue is more about the quantum of constitutional powers and authority vested in the occupier of the presidential Villa in Abuja. It is a joke among some Nigerians that, perhaps the only power a Nigerian president lacks is the capacity to create life. This awesome power thus makes him to be feared and not necessarily respected by others, including those who have the mandate of the people to guarantee good governance at other levels.
In the opinion of some experts, this scenario has been a source of political upheaval in the country. Conflict arises when the incumbent sees an election as a battle to be fought at all fronts but his challengers usually deploy all methodologies in the battle field also in the spirit that the end justifies the means.The consequence is that what should be a decent game based on well-thought out rule becomes a dog fight.
All these inform calls by some individuals and institutions for devolution of powers from the centre, which in their view has usurped most of the powers belonging to other federating units. According to them, the devolution of powers will make the presidency less attractive; end the mentality of states being mere appendages of the centre and ultimately reduce the scramble for the presidency, as more politicians will be encouraged to concentrate their energy on adopting a bottom-top development strategy.
In the First Republic, the leading nationalists, who negotiated and secured Nigeria’s freedom from the British colonialists, became automatic leaders of the new Nigeria. Their individual credentials were known to the people because of the enormity of sacrifices, consistency and candour they exhibited during the struggle for the country’s independence. But for a few departed souls, most of those leaders were also the major gladiators in the Second Republic. Because of their antecedents as party leaders or elected public office holders in the past, the people remained passionately glued to them in all their political quests, including presidential ambitions.
It is on record that the very day the military lifted the ban on politics in 1978, the sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo came up with a blueprint which was meant to take Nigeria to greater heights. It was unanimously adopted by his party, the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). The document contained four cardinal programmes: free education at all levels, medical services, integrated rural development and shelter. Even DrTunji Braithwaite, founder and presidential candidate of the Nigerian Advanced Party (NAP) hinged his policy on abolition of rats and cockroaches which was a metaphorical expression of determination to correct the ills of the society. Similarly, late Malam Aminu Kano of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) enunciated his people-oriented programmes, which endeared him to the talakawas (commoners) of the entire northern part of the country in particular.
In the midst of the campaign for the annulment of June 12, 1993 presidential election, late Chief MKO Abiola had made a ‘confessional statement’ concerning his presidential ambition. He claimed it took him many years to re-launch himself for the race. His first effort under the then National Party of Nigeria (NPN), an ultra conservative bloc in the Second Republic, had ended in a near fiasco. In his second coming, his challenger and candidate of the defunct National Republican Convention (NRC), Alhaji Bashir Tofa was seen as an underdog, as the name, Abiola, was already ingrained in public subconscious even before he became the standard bearer of the then Social Democratic Party (SDP). The two had emerged through a process called Option A4, which was arithmetically described as substitution by elimination.During the prolonged era of military rule in the country, the political class remained restless and busy with the members enmeshed in series of meetings and consultations, despite some tough measures by the authorities to subdue and wear them. The ban slammed on political activities only sent to the underground for strategic planning and action, a situation that made some of them becoming more powerful, aggressive, purposeful and influential even before the authorities either lifted the ban on political activities or some presidential contenders prior to the 1993 election.
For instance, late Major General Shehu Yar’Adua, Chief OluFalae, Chief Lateef Jakande, late Dr Olusola Saraki, Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, among others, were known to have established a political network across the country.
The galaxy of contestants in 1999 was remarkable. Most of the contenders had a track record of distinction and meritorious service to their fatherland either public or private sector or even both. In the Alliance for Democracy (AD), there were Chief Falae, late Chief Bola Ige, and DrChukwuemekaEzeife as frontline aspirants. For the All Nigeria Peoples Party (APP) later the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Chief Phillip Asioudu, Dr Saraki,Chief Gamaniel Onosode, Dr Bode Olajumoke, Chief Edet Amana and Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu led the pack.
However, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had the greatest number of presidential hopefuls, each of who was a distinguished citizen of the country. They included Dr Alex Ekwueme, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, Chief Tony Graham-Douglas, Dr Joseph Wayas, Chief Don Etibet and Chief Jim Nwobodo.
It was obvious that majority of Nigerians knew a lot about the pedigree and capacity of all these personalities because of their contributions to national development as well as their involvement in political activities over time. But each of them did not rest on their oars. In fact they were not ready to take Nigerians for granted by pegging their ambition on their presumed popularity and acceptability by the people as their leaders at different strata of the society.
So, they took their case so to speak to the people, in not too disguised manner, of their intention to lead the country. They had definite physical structures and utilised simulated and real methodologies to shore up support for their ambition. Some of strategies included public opinion polls organised by masquerading groups on the contestants, which were grossly manipulated and skewed to favour their principals, especially in the two key runners in the PDP. Nonetheless, all these and other intrigues added flair, favour and fervour to the salivating appetite of Nigerians for civil rule. It should be emphasised that most of those activities even preceded the preparations for and conduct of the party primaries.
Today, there is little or no serious sign of such nature concerning the 2015 presidency. All that has eclipsed the land are speculations, bigotry and name calling among the key political actors. Mundane matters and character assassination are being elevated in political discourse such that they have subsumed issues critical to the welfare of the citizenry, national growth and development.
Nigerians and the international community are watching with awe the endless exchange between the main opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) over the speculated ambition of President Goodluck Jonathan for another four-year term. The issue of 2015 presidency was said to have aggravated the tempest in the ruling party that spilt the party down the line. It culminated in the unceremonious exit of the hitherto national chairman of the PDP, Alhaji BamangaTukur and the stepping in of Alhaji Adamu Mu’azu. While Mu’azu appears to have succeeded in stabilising the ship of the PDP, the discourse on the 2015 presidency remains monosyllabic.
In the All Progressives Congress (APC), the race for the presidency is still about hide-and seek, even after the party had unveiled the table for its congresses and national convention. Despite the APC claiming to have read an appropriate meaning to the body language and lips of Jonathan the issue of 2015 presidency, the ranks of the key players in the leading opposition party is riddled with speculations about the race for its presidential ticket. The entry of former Vice President AtikuAbubakar into the APC elongated the list of touted names for the APC ticket.
Some of them are General MuhammduBuhari, the governor of Kano State, Dr Musa Kwakwanso, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable AminuTambuwal, MalamNasir el-Rufai and MalamNuhuRibadu.
But, when confronted with the issue recently, APC’s Interim National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Muhammed, reportedly said the party hopes to cross the river when it gets to the bridge. He explained that the APC would not disallow anyone from expressing his intent for any elective office. His words: “At the moment, the party has not considered the issue of who its presidential candidate will be. Until we get to that stage, we will not bar anyone from expressing interest or aspiring for the presidential candidacy. The party is not going to stop anyone from expressing his views, especially when it has to do with legitimate ambition. All I say is that everything will be done according to the rules, there will be party primaries to elect candidates for elective offices in the land, from the local, states to the national levels.”
While the nation still awaits President Jonathan to declare his intention on the 2015, some parties like the Labour Party, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Accord Party (AP) are reportedly favourably disposed to endorsing him as their standard bearer, when, and not if, the PDP endorses him.
Confab connection
The ongoing national conference could turn out to be a fresh avenue for the diverse political interests to form alliance with a view to playing a major determinant of the presidency. There will be recruitment of men and women to help in the campaign to prop up certain individuals for the race or boost those already with national platforms. Many of the delegates could end up running for elective offices like in state and National Assembly, governorship and even presidency, depending on whatever permutations that arise as the 2015 election approaches.
With preparations for 2015 taking an upward swing and many contentious national issues and realities staring the people in the face, some observers have raised a number of salient questions. They include: is it not necessary for those presidential hopefuls to unfold their agenda as other leaders like other past political leaders did, which enabled the public to scrutinise them and make valid judgments advance during every elections? Will it not amount to ambushing the electorate if the present politicians only come out to proclaim their ambition when the election is around the corner? Must be the people always been seen as cheap commodities with fixed prices, hence they must always be compromised?
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